It had lost traditional allies in Syria, Iran, and Hezbollah.

The title reads, Yemen's Ansar Hezbollah humiliate Israel and America.

Hezbollah and its main backer, Iran, were motivated by two concerns fear of the next Israeli attack, which Hezbollah believes is inevitable, and concern over Syrian Israeli peace talks that, if successful, could leave Hezbollah without its main bridge to Iran. Hezbollah has been rearming and redeploying since the 2006 war the actions of May further consolidate its position in and around Beirut.

The Houthi's are often identified as Yemen's Ansar Hezbollah inside Iran.

Hezbollah is to free immediately, and without conditions, the two Israeli solders

Nor could Israel, with its overwhelming technological advantage, defeat Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Any attempt at disarming Hezbollah by the UN force would mean a war with Hezbollah (and with Syria and Iran in the background) 45 45 a task the UN force cannot accomplish.

More than 3,000 Hezbollah fighters have died in Syria, and another 4,000 have been injured.

This is what the Israeli government tried to achieve in Lebanon by smashing Hezbollah in 2006.

Hezbollah and Hamas and their missiles the rise of ISIS amid state failure in Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere.

And six months after the merciless pounding of southern Lebanon, Hezbollah is as strong as it was before.

Assad s other major regional ally, Lebanon s Hezbollah (which the US classifies as a terrorist organization) also supports the deal.

However hegemonic Hezbollah may now seem, its power in Lebanon depends heavily on the support of the Assad regime.

So the Israelis now must reckon with an entirely new phenomenon an asymmetric entity, Hezbollah, with nation state firepower.

Morsi was also accused of colluding with foreign militants that is, Hezbollah and Hamas in order to free political prisoners in Egypt.

Hezbollah remains committed to Israel s destruction, and Iran supplies it with powerful weapons. And here, unfortunately, no major change should be expected.

After all, it was fighters from Hezbollah, Iran s Lebanese proxy, who turned the tide of battle decisively against the opposition this past summer.

A zone of de facto control by Lebanon s Hezbollah and Syrian regime forces has emerged between Baalbek and Homs, straddling the Lebanese Syrian border.

Indeed, the US has ended up indirectly allied with Hezbollah, a key Iranian proxy, which is fighting alongside Assad s troops against foreign jihadi forces.

As Buthaina Shaaban, a Syrian minister, put it, To demand that Syria forsake Hamas and Hezbollah is like demanding that the United States forsake Israel.

Regional players like Turkey and Saudi Arabia adamantly oppose leaving Assad in power, as that would advance the interests of their rivals, Iran and Hezbollah.

In late May, the leader of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, gave a speech that spoke volumes about the impact of the Syrian war on his organization.

Hezbollah has also been shaken by the abduction and continued detention of a dozen Lebanese Shiites some close to Nasrallah nbsp by opposition forces in Syria.

Meanwhile, with the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians unresolved, Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon represent a chronic threat of violent clashes with Israel.

The nuclear issue implicates another important hidden question, namely Iran s relationship with Israel, at whose northern border in Lebanon stands Hezbollah, Iran s closest partner in the region.

ISIS s army of psychopaths and adventurers was launched as a startup by Sunni magnates in the Gulf who envied Iran s success with its Lebanese Shia proxy, Hezbollah.

The Iraq war and Israel s wars with Hamas and Hezbollah show the limits of what military power can achieve, as well as vindicate diplomacy and conflict resolution.

Indeed, they probably contemplate land incursions into Iran, and possibly a decisive 160 and, from their perspective, long overdue showdown with Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Any military intervention would entail a confrontation not only with the Syrian military (supported by Russia and China), but also with Shia Iran and its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah.

Israel s assault scored impressive initial successes, while Hamas can take pride in having reached Tel Aviv with its missiles, an achievement that eluded Hezbollah in the 2006 Lebanon War.

Israel wanted Assad gone to weaken Iran s supply lines to Hezbollah in southern Lebanon. And Turkey wanted Assad gone to extend its strategic reach and stabilize its southern border.

Moreover, Iran has managed to separate the nuclear negotiations from broader, related issues like its ballistic missile program, its support for groups like Hezbollah, and its domestic human rights record.

A democracy that produces governments led by Hamas, Hezbollah, or the Muslim Brotherhood is inevitably bound to be anti Western and opposed to an American inspired peace process with Israel.

Thus, Saudi Arabia has become the primary source of financing and weapons for Sunni rebel forces fighting Assad s army, which is backed heavily by Shia Iran and its proxy, the Lebanon based Hezbollah militia.

In Lebanon in 2006, Hezbollah fought Israel through well trained cells that combined propaganda, conventional military tactics, and rockets launched from densely populated civilian areas, achieving what many in the region considered a political victory.

The fusion of Iran s nuclear program (and Iran s hegemonic ambitions) with the situation in Iraq and with Hezbollah in Lebanon will lead to a New Middle East which, in all likelihood, will provoke a major confrontation.

The question of Palestine is at the root of the asymmetrical wars that Israel has been facing in recent years, not only against Hamas, Qatar s Palestinian client, but also against Hezbollah, Iran s proxy in the region.

Russia thus finds itself allied with Iran in supporting Assad s dictatorship, while Iran, in turn, is pursuing its own geopolitical interests by backing its Shia ally in Lebanon, Hezbollah, for which the Syrian hinterland is indispensable.

Both Hamas and Hezbollah are bound to conclude from Israel s emotional collapse at the fate of one young soldier that its helplessness in dealing with psychological and sentimental dilemmas opens the way to its eventual strategic defeat.

After all, since the civil war began in 2011, Iran has provided essential financial and military support for Syrian President Bashar al Assad s regime, while mobilizing its Lebanese proxy, the powerful Hezbollah militia, to fight against the rebels in Syria.

In Egypt, for example, Saudi Arabia is supporting the military against the Muslim Brotherhood, whereas in Syria the Saudis are backing Salafists against the military, which receives support from Saudi Arabia s main enemies, Shia Iran and its Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah.

Thus, in contrast to the West s temporizing, the strategy of Assad s allies is clearly defined military victory for the regime, backed by ample supplies of weapons and, in the case of Iran, Lebanese proxy troops from Hezbollah on the ground.

This includes the core leadership of President Bashar al Assad s regime, which is now supported by Hezbollah and Iraqi militias, as much as the ISIS, which is composed largely of non Syrian fighters who are unconcerned about rebuilding the country or safeguarding its people s future.

Iran has armed and trained the Houthis, and, though the rebels' brand of Shi'ism shares little with that practiced in Tehran, they have praised the Islamic Republic's founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, and held up Iran's Lebanese proxy, Hezbollah, as a model to be emulated.

Paranoia and antagonism must give way to sober politics, with Israeli leaders discussing potential strategic compensation with the US, working with other powers to address Iran s support for Hamas and Hezbollah, and considering a credible revival of peace negotiations with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.